Aspirations and Academic Achievement: The Spillover Effects of Beca 18 on Educational Outcomes of Younger Students

Elena Costarelli, Rosamaría Dasso Arana, and Bárbara Sparrow Alcázar analyze the effect of being near a Beca 18 beneficiary -a new scholarship program for high school students- on the academic achievement of second grade children.

Beca 18 Peru

Editor’s note: This post is part of a series showcasing Barcelona GSE master projects by students in the Class of 2016. The project is a required component of every master program. Photo: PRONABEC


Authors:
Elena CostarelliRosamaría Dasso Arana, Bárbara Sparrow Alcázar

Master’s Program:
Economics

Abstract:

Using administrative data from the Ministry of Education in Peru, we analyze the effect of being near a Beca 18 beneficiary -a new scholarship program for high school students- on the academic achievement of second grade children. Previous literature suggests that information about the potential returns to education plays an important role on students’ achievement. Our hypothesis is that having a fellow nearby might change the perception of younger children and of their parents about returns to education, thus leading them to invest more on it. We use a difference in difference approach to test this hypothesis in a school panel data setting. As we are interested in the effect of information transmission, we use GPS location data to identify which schools are near a Beca 18 beneficiary. We test for several distance specifications with consistent results. Our findings suggest a positive spillover effect of the program on younger children in both reading and math performance.

Introduction:

Access to tertiary education is a well-known motivation for students to perform better at school. Good students are usually the ones that are able to attend better universities which in turn allows them to improve their living conditions. This is true in most developed countries, where access to good quality higher education is a possibility for most students. However, in the case of many developing countries, market failures and government limitations do not allow students to consider this possibility.

When facing the decision of educating their children, many families may consider it to be an unprofitable investment. Little information about the benefits of education in terms of higher future income and the lack of success stories among people close to them may all contribute to this perception. In this regard, the impact of a program that makes access to tertiary education may possibly affect the way people value education in a significant way. If parents and children are aware that been a good student may have a tangible future reward, their investment decisions may change.

Access to tertiary education is greatly limited to children from poor families in Peru. To address this issue, the Peruvian government recently created the Beca 18 program. Beca 18 is a merit/need based scholarship program that targets students applying to higher education institutions such as universities and technical institutes. The program gives selected students the opportunity of attending the best tertiary schools in the country. Before the program existed, even access to public universities was very limited. Beca 18 can be considered as one of the first real opportunities for children of low resources in Peru to access high quality tertiary education.

Current literature suggests that there is a positive relationship between policies that increase the perceived returns of education and educational outcomes among children. There is also evidence that supports that future access to scholarships and merit based programs may encourage better school performance. In this paper, we will analyze the impact of Beca 18 on the school performance of second grade children. To do this, we use test score data from the Ministry of Education and administrative records from the Beca 18 program. Using a difference in difference approach, we were able to identify a positive impact of being near a program beneficiary on both math and reading proficiency outcomes. 

Conclusions:

Our results suggest that the Beca 18 program has relevant spillover effects on the educational outcomes of younger children. Guided by our conceptual framework, we would expect this result to be a consequence of the fact that children and parents exposed to Beca 18 beneficiaries update their information about perceived returns to education, leading them to invest more time and resources in obtaining better educational results.

We also find that effects on math test scores are stronger and more robust to several specifications than effects on reading test scores. This result is consistent with findings of other studies suggesting that math scores are more quickly affected by changes in study behavior. We also find that the effect of being near a beneficiary decreases as the distance to the school of the beneficiary increases. This result is consistent with our hypothesis that the improvements in educational outcomes are a result of information transmission.

Another result worth discussing is that we found that the effect of the program is larger when the number of beneficiaries nearby increases. This suggests that investment decisions are affected by how likely it is to get the scholarship. It may also suggest that the investment decision may vary if there are more people acting as role models.

Overall, our results are relevant from a policy perspective. We present evidence that the program has relevant spillover effects that should be considered when evaluating its benefits. As public programs in Peru are under continuous scrutiny, further evidence that supports the program’s effectiveness is of greatly useful to ensure its continuity. Also, as our results suggest that the number of beneficiaries matter for investment decisions, the expansion of the program could lead to even greater spillover effects.

It is still important to note that the effects found here are not the main intended effects of Beca 18: the scholarship program was designed as a supply side policy intervention. Our findings support the idea that this program can have important demand side effects worth considering. We would also expect for these effects to increase over time: the success stories of current beneficiaries in the labor market could lead to an even greater increase of the expected returns of education.

 

The Persistent Effect of Exposure to Civil Conflict on Political Beliefs and Participation: Evidence from the Peruvian Civil War

This post is part of a series showcasing Barcelona GSE master projects by students in the Class of 2015.

photo“No teníamos culpa de nada… ¿o sí?” © 2006 Mauricio Delgado Castillo


Editor’s note: This post is part of a series showcasing Barcelona GSE master projects by students in the Class of 2015. The project is a required component of every master program.


Authors: 
Benjamin Anderson and Ramiro Antonio Burga

Master’s Program:
Economics of Public Policy

Paper Abstract:

This paper provides empirical evidence of the persistent effects of exposure to civil conflict on political beliefs and participation. We exploit the variation in geographic incidence of conflict and birth cohorts to identify the long-term effects of exposure to violence on belief in democracy, trust in institutions, opinions in support of civil rights, voting turnout and casting of blank ballots, and participation in civic organizations. Conditional on being exposed to violence, the average person exposed to violence during certain sensitive stages of life still holds slightly more negative opinions about the value of democracy and are less likely to participate in civic / political organizations in the long-run.

Presentation Slides:

About the paper

Motivation:

Political preferences heavily dictate the role of the government, the policy making processes that emerge, and potentially even the institutional framework, itself (Besley and Case, 2003; Aghion et al., 2004). Furthermore, consequential effects of various forms of political institutions is a primary focus of Political Economy, and justifiably so, for the array of welfare implications encompassed within, including, economic growth, inequality, health outcomes, and many others (Acemoglu et al., 2001; 2002). In countries where citizens have been exposed to violence during sensitive periods of life, it may be more difficult for governments to gain trust and build support for democratic processes and good institutions.

Pathways/mechanisms:

There are many logical pathways which one could speculate that civil conflict might affect citizens’ political beliefs; perhaps the most conspicuous of which being trust. Lack of protection, safety, and government accountability could lead to a decrease or lack of trust in the government, while exposure to violence, fear tactics, and other criminal behavior could result in distrust toward other members of society (Jaeger and Paserman, 2008; Rohner et al., 2013). Secondarily, residual effects of civil conflict in the form of fear, in particular for safety, could dissuade citizens from various forms of political participation (Salamon and Evera, 1973).

Summary of findings:

We examine the effect of exposure to conflict during sensitive developmental periods of life on persistent changes to various measures of political beliefs and participation. The results show that the average person exposed to conflict during the age range 13 to 17 will have slightly more negative opinions about democracy well over a decade after the conclusion of the violence. Very minor long-term effects are also present for participation in civic organizations. Our results show that the average person exposed to conflict during the age range of 7 to 12 has a decreased likelihood of participating in civic organizations of approximately 3% to 6% for each additional year that the individual experienced violence in his/her district during this period of life. While these effects are economically small, it is notable that any long-term effect is detected given the likely presence of strong attenuation bias as discussed in our threats to identification. We find that the most sensitive stages of life for the formation of political beliefs, with respect to exposure to conflict, are the pre-teen and teenage years. Contrary to the effects of violence exposure on human capital and labor market outcomes, we do not find effects occurring at the earliest life stages.

Inferences:

  1. The detection of effects in both belief and action variables not only helps to validate one another, but it also suggests that beliefs indeed translate to actions. This connection provides some evidence that changes in political perception also corresponds with political behavioral change.
  2. Even though the effects we detect are relatively small, they might have been severe during and shortly following the civil war.
  3. Although we are unable to further analyze heterogeneous effects, the effects could be quite large for certain individuals who may have been exposed to more extreme amounts or types of violent acts.

Policy Implications:

Knowledge of the size and temporality of these consequential effects of civil conflict on political beliefs and participation as well as mechanisms which drive these changes would be invaluable. This would allow policy makers to develop targeted strategies to help combat the destructive effects of violence on citizens’ political beliefs and behavior that could undermine the healthy growth, development, and stability of society.

On the experience:

The thesis was almost certainly the most fun and rewarding assignment of the year, despite the imposing time constraint. Having received rigorous training to acquire the tools needed for such a project, and having discovered and nurtured our own interests via exposure to a multitude of prominent literature in various applied topics throughout the year, it was exciting to unleash the knowledge we had gained and apply some of our empirical techniques to a new and interesting research question of our own.

Throughout the program, but especially during the thesis, we were fortunate to have access to the knowledge and support of professors. Aided by some enthusiastic and accomplished mentors, we evolved our expectations of ourselves. Their expertise in areas related to those of our paper – conflicts, violence and political economy – optimized the quality of feedback and constructive critique we received in the process. The final presentation to our directors, professors and peers was another valuable component. It served as a welcome challenge that exercised essential communication skills, not only for conveying complex ideas to an audience, but adroitly and favorably reacting to questions and criticism.

The feeling of accomplishment derived from materializing a quality piece of empirical work is great motivation to build on for the future. Just one year ago, not only would this project have been impossible to execute, even the vision of it coming together was unfathomable. By the final term, we knew that we were prepared; now, we carry forth these tools, creativity, and confidence in our abilities.

On working with a coauthor:

At the outset, the thought of working with a coauthor for the thesis did not sound ideal, but ultimately, it had many advantages. It offered another opportunity to gain from the international and cultural diversity of one another and to develop these working and personal relationships; it was an invaluable intangible experience for which we will be forever thankful. Our complimentary skillsets and working styles prevented this beast from ever becoming a burden. We are proud of what we were able to achieve given the constraints, and ended up with a final project that far surpassed anything that we could have done independently within the same amount of time.

Cash Transfers and Labor Supply in Peru

Juntos_children

(Editor’s Note: The following post was written by BGSE alumnus Fernando Fernandez (Economics ’13). Fernando is currently a Research Fellow at the Inter-American Development Bank in Washington, D.C.)

The paper:

What do you do when you receive your monthly payment? Do you leave the office a bit earlier and have some drinks with your friends? Now, imagine you are a self-employed, non-paid, agricultural worker who works to support your family in the Andeans regions of Peru. Moreover, suppose you are credit constrained and with limited access to markets. What would you do if you start receiving monthly cash transfers from your generous government? Would not you take a break? After all, you work very hard and need some rest, right?

Such a program does exist and is named JUNTOS (“together” in Spanish). It gives around US $40 per month to mothers of poor children if they send their kids to school and to health centers on a regular basis. The objective of the program is to reduce current and future poverty through cash transfers and investments in children’s human capital.

Labor economists would say that JUNTOS generates an income effect: if your income is higher you would consume more leisure and work less (assuming that leisure is a normal good). However, most of the empirical literature on cash transfers and labor supply find no effects on participation in the labor market, hours of work, and earnings. This literature relies on comparisons between households who receive the transfer to households who do not. Does this mean that labor supply does not respond to cash transfers? Continue reading “Cash Transfers and Labor Supply in Peru”